Fix reason firmly in her seat, and call to her tribunal every fact, every opinion. Question with boldness even the existence of a God; because, if there be one, he must more approve of the homage of reason, than that of blindfolded fear.

-Thomas Jefferson
Faith is the great cop-out, the great excuse to evade the need to think and evaluate evidence. Faith is belief in spite of, even perhaps because of, the lack of evidence."

Richard Dawkins


"Leon Lederman, the physicist and Nobel laureate, once half-jokingly remarked that the real goal of physics was to come up with an equation that could explain the universe but still be small enough to fit on a T-shirt. In that spirit, Dawkins offered up his own T-shirt slogan for the ongoing evolution revolution:
Life results from the non-random survival of randomly varying replicators."

"Religion is excellent stuff for keeping common people quiet."

Napoleon Bonaparte

The 3 Laws of Prediction by Arthur C. Clark
  1. When a distinguished but elderly scientist states that something is possible, he is almost certainly right. When he states that something is impossible, he is very probably wrong.
  2. The only way of discovering the limits of the possible is to venture a little way past them into the impossible.
  3. Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic.

Scrolling RSS News Ticker

Sunday, August 31, 2008

The Casualties In China's Push for a Perfect Games

China's push for the perfect Games

By Michael Bristow
BBC News, Beijing

Wang Xiuying and her friend, Wu Dianyuan, do not look like enemies of the state. They are both nearly 80 and walk with the aid of a stick.






Wang Xiuying (r) and Wu Dianyuan
Wang Xiuying, right, and Wu Dianyuan applied to stage their own protest
But the grandmothers have both been told they face a year in a re-education-through-labour camp if they do not stop protesting.

This punishment seems a strange fate for two elderly women who only want to complain about being thrown out of their homes.

But their case illustrates just how far the government has been prepared to go to present China's best image during the Olympic Games.

That campaign has been largely successful. The Olympics are already being hailed as a major triumph.

Good organisation

There seems little doubt that the Beijing Olympics have given the Chinese government the global recognition it sought by holding the event.

The scintillating sport has helped. Sprinter Usain Bolt's two world records and swimmer Michael Phelps's eight gold medals were memorable performances.

A lack of major doping scandals has also helped focus attention on the competition and not on the seedier aspects of the Olympics.

But the Beijing Games have also been an organisational success. Venues were finished on time and the event has run smoothly from day one.

The International Olympic Committee has rarely had to meet with the Beijing organisers to iron out problems, and is already declaring the games a success.

The grandmothers' brick homes
The two elderly women were evicted from their homes

Even Beijing's air pollution has mostly disappeared. The city has enjoyed its cleanest August air in a decade, largely due to emergency measures to reduce pollution.

Former sprinter and Olympic medallist Frankie Fredericks, now an IOC official, said he would have liked to have performed in Beijing.

"I wish I was still running. Coming to Beijing and seeing the facilities here have been amazing," he said.

Lost patience

But a successful Olympics was not assured, mainly because China has faced a range of issues this year that could have derailed its Olympic dreams.

There has been criticism about its human rights record, a crackdown in Tibet and accusations over its close ties to Sudan.

China worked hard to diffuse these issues. It persuaded world leaders to attend the Games, spruced up Beijing and has tried to prevent protesters airing their views.

"Beijing was determined to show the best face to the world, and officials were not going to let anyone tarnish that image," said Xu Guoqi, who has just written a book about China and the Olympics.

That determination not to let anything spoil the games has proved to be bad news for the two protesting grandmothers.

Mrs Wang, 77, and her neighbour Mrs Wu, 79, have been complaining about the forced eviction from their homes for seven years.

Despite their frail appearance, both women have been arrested five times and have staged protests outside the Beijing compound of the nation's top leaders.

The authorities appear to have lost patience with the two when they applied to stage a demonstration at one of three Beijing "protest parks".

These parks were set aside by the government for ordinary people to vent their feelings during the Olympic Games.

After applying to stage their own demonstration, Mrs Wang and Mrs Wu both received an official notice giving them a clear warning.

It gave them a one-year suspended sentence and told them to abide by "relevant rules".

Chinese citizens can be sent to re-education camps for up to four years by the police without first having to be convicted in a court of law.

The notice received by the elderly protesters, who now live in simple brick homes, did not state clearly what the relevant rules were.

But it added: "If you break the rules… you will be taken to a re-education-through-labour camp to serve the sentence."

'There's no justice'

"It's not fair. There's no justice," said Mrs Wang, who is nearly blind and is registered as a disabled person.

The treatment meted out to the protesting grandmothers is only one aspect of the extraordinary lengths China has gone to because of the Olympics.

Migrant workers have been sent away, open-air markets have been closed and drivers have been forced to leave their cars at home.

Beijing residents grumble, and sometimes joke, about these temporary measures, but they mostly bear them, believing in the overall benefits from hosting the Olympics.

Mrs Wang and Mrs Wu have also seen some Olympic events.

Mrs Wu watches at home and Mrs Wang, who has no electricity, hobbles down to a nearby shop to watch the games.

Even those at odds with the government can be Olympic fans.
To cheer everyone up though, can I take this opportunity to share with you some classic NBC commentator Olympic moments to make you cringe with embarrassment.

Paul Hamm, Gymnast: 'I owe a lot to my parents, especially my mother and
father.'

Boxing Analyst: 'Sure there have been injuries, and even some deaths in
boxing, but none of them really that serious.'

Weightlifting Commentator: 'This is Gregorieva from Bulgaria. I saw her
snatch this morning during her warm up and it was amazing.'

Dressage commentator: 'This is really a lovely horse and I speak from personal experience since I once mounted her mother.'

Softball announcer: 'If history repeats itself, I should think we can expect the same thing again.'

Basketball analyst: 'He dribbles a lot and the opposition doesn't like it. In fact you can see it all over their faces.'

At the rowing medal ceremony: 'Ah, isn't that nice, the wife of the IOC president is hugging the cox of the British crew.'

Soccer commentator: 'Julian Dicks is everywhere. It's like they've got eleven Dicks on the field.'

Tennis commentator: 'One of the reasons Andy is playing so well is that, before the final round, his wife takes out his balls and kisses them.....

......Oh my God, what have I just said?'

Copyright The Telegraph.co.uk

Thursday, August 28, 2008

Title video for London 2012 Olympic Games handover show

BC SUTTA

This song is dedicated to all the smokers and dopers by Zeest the band so let’s hit it.

Doston mein baitha main sutta pi raha
Abba ne mujhe sutta peete dekh liya
Ghar jab pahuncha to danda ho gaya
BC sutta, sutta na mila.
BC sutta, mujhe sutta na mila.
BC sutta, sutta na mila.
BC sutta, mujhe sutta na mila.
BC sutta, sutta na mila.

College mein gaya mujhe pyar ho gaya,
Usne bhi mujhse mera sutta cheen liya
Sadkon pe ghooma main tanha reh gaya
BC sutta, sutta na mila.
BC sutta, mujhe sutta na mila.
BC sutta, sutta na mila.
BC sutta, mujhe sutta na mila.
BC sutta, sutta na mila.

Shaadi hui main husband ban gaya
Raat bhar thoka main thak ke gir gaya
Khushiyon ki khatir mera sutta chin gaya
BC sutta.

BC sutta, mujhe sutta na mila.
BC sutta, sutta na mila.
BC sutta, mujhe sutta na mila.
BC sutta, sutta na mila.

BC MC, BC MC BC MC.
BC MC, BC MC BC MC.
BC MC, BC MC BC MC.
BC MC, BC MC BC MC.

Tuesday, August 26, 2008

Dr. APJ Abdul Kalaam's speech in Hyderabad

Dr. APJ Abdul Kalaam's speech in Hyderabad

"I have three visions for India. In 3000 years of our history, people from all over the world have come and invaded us, captured our lands, conquered our minds. From Alexander onwards, The Greeks, the Turks, the Moguls, the Portuguese, the British, the French, the Dutch, all of them came and looted us, took over what was ours. Yet we have not done this to any other nation. We have not conquered anyone. We have not grabbed their land, their culture, their history and Tried to enforce our way of life on them. Why? Because we respect the freedom of others.

That is why my first vision is that of FREEDOM. I believe that India got its first vision of this in 1857, when we started the war of Independence. It is this freedom that we must protect and nurture and build on. If we are not free, no one will respect us.

My second vision for India's DEVELOPMENT, For fifty years we have been A developing nation. It is time we see ourselves as a developed nation. We are among top 5 nations of the world in terms of GDP. We have 10 percent growth rate in most areas. Our poverty levels are falling. Our achievements are being globally recognized today. Yet we lack the self-confidence to see ourselves as a developed nation, self-reliant and self-assured. Isn't this incorrect?

I have a THIRD vision. India must stand up to the world. Because I believe that, unless India stands up to the world, no one will respect us. Only strength respects strength. We must be strong not only as a military power but also as an economic power. Both must go hand-in-hand. My good fortune was to have worked with three great minds. Dr. Vikram Sarabhai of the Dept. of space, Professor Satish Dhawan, who succeeded him and Dr.Brahm Prakash, father of nuclear material. I was lucky to have worked with all three of them closely and consider this the great opportunity of my life.I see four milestones in my career:

Twenty years I spent in ISRO. I was given the opportunity to be the project director for India's first satellite launch vehicle, SLV3. The one that launched Rohini. These years played a very important role in my life of Scientist. After my ISRO years, I joined DRDO and got a chance to be the part of India's guided missile program. It was my second bliss when Agni met its mission requirements in 1994.

The Dept. of Atomic Energy and DRDO had this tremendous partnership in the recent nuclear tests, on May 11 and 13. This was the third bliss. The joy of participating with my team in these nuclear tests and proving to the world that India can make it, that we are no longer a developing nation but one of them. It made me feel very proud as an Indian. The fact that we have now developed for Agni a re-entry structure, for which we have developed this new material. A Very light material called carbon-carbon.

One day an orthopedic surgeon from Nizam Institute of Medical Sciences visited my laboratory. He lifted the material and found it so light that he took me to his hospital and showed me his patients. There were these little girls and boys with heavy metallic calipers weighing over three Kg. each, dragging their feet around.

He said to me: Please remove the pain of my patients. In three weeks, we made these Floor reaction Orthosis 300-gram calipers and took them to the orthopedic center. The children didn't believe their eyes. From dragging around a three kg. load on their legs, they could now move around! Their parents had tears in their eyes. That was my fourth bliss!

Why is the media here so negative? Why are we in India so embarrassed to recognize our own strengths, our achievements? We are such a great nation. We have so many amazing success stories but we refuse to acknowledge them. Why?

We are the first in milk production.
We are number one in Remote sensing satellites.
We are the second largest producer of wheat.
We are the second largest producer of rice.
Look at Dr. Sudarshan, he has transferred the tribal village into a self-sustaining, self driving unit.
There are millions of such achievements but our media is only obsessed in the bad news and failures and disasters.

I was in Tel Aviv once and I was reading the Israeli newspaper. It was the day after a lot of attacks and bombardments and deaths had taken place. The Hamas had struck. But the front page of the newspaper had the picture of a Jewish gentleman who in five years had transformed his desert land into an orchid and a granary.

It was this inspiring picture that everyone woke up to. The gory details of killings, bombardments, deaths, were inside in the newspaper, buried among other news. In India we only read about death, sickness, terrorism, crime. Why are we so NEGATIVE?

Another question: Why are we, as a nation so obsessed with foreign things? We want foreign TVs, we want foreign shirts. We want foreign technology. Why this obsession with everything imported. Do we not realize that self-respect comes with self-reliance? I was in Hyderabad giving this lecture, when a 14 year old girl asked me for my autograph. I asked her what her goal in life is. She replied: I want to live in a developed India. For her, you and I will have to build this developed India. You must proclaim. India is not an under-developed nation; it is a highly developed nation.

Do you have 10 minutes? Allow me to come back with a vengeance. Got 10 minutes for your country? If yes, then read; otherwise, choice is yours.

YOU say that our government is inefficient.
YOU say that our laws are too old.
YOU say that the municipality does not pick up the garbage.
YOU say that the phones don't work, the railways are a joke, the airline is the worst in the world, mails never reach their destination.
YOU say that our country has been fed to the dogs and is the absolute pits.
YOU say, say and say.

What do YOU do about it? Take a person on his way to Singapore. Give him a name - YOURS.

Give him a face - YOURS. YOU walk out of the airport and you are at your International best.

In Singapore you don't throw cigarette butts on the roads or eat in the stores. YOU are as proud of their Underground Links as they are. You pay $5(approx. Rs.60) to drive through Orchard Road (equivalent of Mahim Causeway or Pedder Road) between 5 PM and 8 PM. YOU come back to the parking lot to punch your parking ticket if you have over stayed in a restaurant or a shopping mall irrespective of your status identity. In Singapore you don't say anything, DO YOU? YOU wouldn't dare to eat in public during Ramadan, in Dubai. YOU would not dare to go out without your head covered in Jeddah. YOU would not dare to buy an employee of the telephone exchange in London at 10 pounds (Rs.650) a month to, "see to it that my STD and ISD calls are billed to someone else."

YOU would not dare to speed beyond 55 mph (88 km/h) in Washington and then tell the traffic cop, "Jaanta hai sala main kaun hoon (Do you know who I am?). I am so and so's son. Take your two bucks and get lost." YOU wouldn't chuck an empty coconut shell anywhere other than the garbage pail on the beaches in Australia and New Zealand. Why don't YOU spit Paan on the streets of Tokyo? Why don't YOU use examination jockeys or buy fake certificates in Boston? We are still talking of the same YOU. YOU who can respect and conform to a foreign system in other countries but cannot in your own. You who will throw papers and cigarettes on the road the moment you touch Indian ground. If you can be an involved and appreciative citizen in an alien country, why cannot you be the same here in India?

Once in an interview, the famous Ex-municipal commissioner of Bombay, Mr. Tinaikar, had a point to make. "Rich people's dogs are walked on the streets to leave their affluent droppings all over the place," he said." And then the same people turn around to criticize and blame the authorities for inefficiency and dirty pavements. What do they expect the officers to do? Go down with broom every time their dog feels the pressure in his bowels? In America every dog owner has to clean up after his pet has done the job. Same in Japan. Will the Indian citizen do that here?" He's right. We go to the polls to choose a government and after that forfeit all responsibility. We sit back wanting to be pampered and expect the government to do everything for us whilst our contribution is totally negative. We expect the government to clean up but we are not going to stop chucking garbage all over the place nor are we going to stop to pick up a stray piece of paper and throw it in the bin. We expect the railways to provide clean bathrooms but we are not going to learn the proper use of bathrooms.

We want Indian Airlines and Air India to provide the best of food and toiletries but we are not going to stop pilfering at the least opportunity. This applies even to the staff who is known not to pass on the service to the public. When it comes to burning social issues like those related to women, dowry, girl child and others, we make loud drawing room protestations and continue to do the reverse at home. Our excuse? 'It's the whole system which has to change, how will it matter if I alone forego my sons' rights to a dowry.'

So who's going to change the system? What does a system consist of? Very conveniently for us it consists of our neighbors, other households, other cities, other communities and the government. But definitely not me and YOU. When it comes to us actually making a positive contribution to the system we lock ourselves along with our families into a safe cocoon and look into the distance at countries far away and wait for a Mr. Clean to come along & work miracles for us with a majestic sweep of his hand or we leave the country and run away. Like lazy cowards hounded by our fears we run to America to bask in their glory and praise their system. When New York becomes insecure we run to England. When England experiences unemployment, we take the next flight out to the Gulf. When the Gulf is war struck, we demand to be rescued and brought home by the Indian government.

Everybody is out to abuse and rape the country. Nobody thinks of feeding the system. Our conscience is mortgaged to money.

Dear Indians,

The article is highly thought inductive, calls for a great deal of introspection and pricks one's conscience too....

I am echoing J. F. Kennedy's words to his fellow Americans to relate to Indians.....

"ASK WHAT WE CAN DO FOR INDIA AND DO WHAT HAS TO BE DONE TO MAKE INDIA WHAT AMERICA AND OTHER WESTERN COUNTRIES ARE TODAY"

Lets do what India needs from us.

Thank you
Abdul Kalaam

[Dr. APJ Abdul Kalaam is the President of India]

Friday, August 22, 2008

THE MY LAI MASSACRE

THE MY LAI MASSACRE
Friday, Nov. 28, 1969

copyright TIME MAGAZINE

IT passed without notice when it occurred in mid-March 1968, at a time when the war news was still dominated by the siege of Khe Sanh. Yet the brief action at My Lai, a hamlet in Viet Cong-infested territory 335 miles northeast of Saigon, may yet have an impact on the war. According to accounts that suddenly appeared on TV and in the world press last week, a company of 60 or 70 U.S. infantrymen had entered My Lai early one morning and destroyed its houses, its livestock and all the inhabitants that they could find in a brutal operation that took less than 20 minutes. When it was over, the Vietnamese dead totaled at least 100 men, women and children, and perhaps many more. Only 25 or so escaped, because they lay hidden under the fallen bodies of their relatives and neighbors.

So far, the tale of My Lai has only been told by a few Vietnamese survivors—all of them pro-V.C.—and half a dozen American veterans of the incident. Yet military men privately concede that stories of what happened at My Lai are essentially correct. If so, the incident ranks as the most serious atrocity yet attributed to American troops in a war that is already well known for its particular savagery.

Rather Dark and Bloody. The My Lai incident might never have come to light. The only people who reported it at the time were the Viet Cong, who passed out leaflets publicizing the slaughter. To counter the V.C. accusation, regarded as standard propaganda, the U.S. Army launched a cursory field investigation, which "did not support" the charges. What put My Lai on the front pages after 20 months was the conscience of Richard Ridenhour, 23, a former SP4 who is now a student at Claremont Men's College in Claremont, Calif. A Viet Nam veteran, Ridenhour had known many of the men in the outfit involved at My Lai. It was C Company of the Americal Division's 11 th Infantry Brigade. Ridenhour did not witness the incident himself, but he kept hearing about it from friends who were there. He was at first disbelieving, then deeply disturbed. Last March—a year after the slaughter—he sent the information he had pieced together in 30 letters, addressed them to the President, several Congressmen and other Washington officials.

Ridenhour's letter led to a new probe—and to formal charges. Last month, just two days before he was to be released from the Army, charges of murdering "approximately 100" civilians at My Lai were preferred against one of C Company's platoon leaders, 1st Lieut. William Laws Calley Jr., a 26-year-old Miamian now stationed at Fort Benning, Ga. Last week Staff Sergeant David Mitchell, a 29-year-old career man from St. Francisville, La., became the second My Lai veteran to be charged (with assault with intent to commit murder). The Army has another 24 men (15 of whom are now civilians) under investigation. If the accounts of others who have spoken out publicly stand up, C Company, as Ridenhour wrote, is indeed involved in "something rather dark and bloody" at My Lai.

Before the massacre, My Lai was a poor hamlet in Quang Ngai province, whose low, marshy coastal plains had been—and still are—a base for the Viet Cong 48th Battalion. My Lai was a "fortified" hamlet whose bricked-up houses served as bunkers for marauding V.C. cadres, and was known to the G.I.s in the area as "Pinkville."

Company arrived in Viet Nam in February 1968, and was assigned to Task Force Barker, a three-company search-and-destroy unit located a few miles from the hamlet at a firebase on Viet Nam Highway No. 1. Almost from the moment it arrived, C Company suffered daily casualties. Most of the mayhem was caused by mines and booby traps, and they were particularly plentiful in and around My Lai. By mid-March, the company, had lost a third of its original strength of more than 100 men. One day, a 155 mm. shell rigged as a booby trap killed one and injured four or five others. As Sergeant Michael B. Terry, 22, recalled it last week, "that really bothered the guys." Evidently so. Some of the men in the unit later beat up an innocent woman whom they spotted in a field. The beating ended, said Terry, when "one kid just walked up to her and shot her."



The next morning, on orders whose origin is still unclear, C Company took on a special assignment. It was described last week by Sergeant Michael A. Bernhardt, another C Company veteran. At Fort Dix, N.J., he went before TV cameras accompanied by a base press officer. As Bernhardt told it, the company commander (Captain Ernest Medina, now stationed at Fort Benning) assembled hk men and announced that the Task Force was to destroy My Lai and its inhabitants.

The Kid Just Couldn't. According to the survivors, who spoke to newsmen last week at their shabby refugee camp at nearby Son My, the operation was grimly efficient. The inhabitants, who had a long record of sheltering Viet Cong, scrambled for cover around 6 a.m. when an hour-long mortar and artillery barrage began. When it stopped, helicopters swooped in, disgorging C Company's three platoons. One platoon tore into the hamlet, while the other two threw a cordon around the place. "My family was eating breakfast, when the Americans came," said Do Chuc, a 48-year-old peasant who claims to have lost a son and a daughter in the shooting that followed. "Nothing was said to us," he said. "No explanation was given."




The first G.I.s to enter the hamlet were led by Lieut. Calley, a slight, 5-ft. 3-in. dropout (with four Fs) from Palm Beach Junior College who enlisted in the Army in 1966 and was commissioned in 1967. Some of Calley's men raced from house to house, setting the wooden ones ablaze and dynamiting the brick structures. Others routed the inhabitants out of their bunkers and herded them into groups. Some of them tried to run, said Bernhardt, but "the rest couldn't quite understand what was going on." Sergeant Terry saw a young C Company soldier train an M-60 on the first group of huddled villagers, "but the kid just couldn't do it. He threw the machine gun down." Another man picked it up.

As Ridenhour described it, one of his C Company friends was stunned by the fate of a small wounded boy who had been standing by the hamlet trail. "The boy was clutching his wounded arm with his other hand, while blood trickled between his fingers," Ridenhour wrote. "He just stood there with big eyes staring around like he didn't understand. Then the captain's RTO [radio operator] put a burst of 16 [M16 rifle] fire into him."




Lunch Break. Few were spared. Stragglers were shot down as they fled from their burning huts. One soldier fired his M-79 grenade launcher into a clump of bodies in which some Vietnamese were still alive. One chilling incident was observed by Ronald L. Haeberle, 28, the Army combat photographer who had been assigned to C Company.* He saw "two small children, maybe four or five years old. A guy with an M-16 fired at the first boy, and the older boy fell over to protect the smaller one. Then they fired six more shots. It was done very businesslike."

Most of the shooting had died down by the time the men of the other two platoons filed into the hamlet. Sergeant Terry told newsmen that he and his squad were settling down for some chow when they noticed that some Vietnamese in a pile of bodies in a nearby ditch "were still breathing." Continued Terry: "They were pretty badly shot up. They weren't going to get any medical help, and so we shot them, shot maybe five of them." Then they broke for lunch.

Not all of C Company took part in the madness. At My Lai, Ridenhour reported, one soldier shot himself in the foot so that he would be Medevacked out of the area. A few others, himself included, says Bernhardt, refused to fire. That evening, he said, his company commander told him "not to do anything like write my Congressman."



Many questions about My Lai remain unanswered. Who had ordered the attack on the hamlet, which was apparently designated as a "free-fire" zone? What exactly were the orders? The answers may come out in a court-martial; Fort Benning Commander Major General Orwin Talbott is expected to announce a decision this week on whether Lieut. Galley is to be tried. Even so, time has already erased much of the evidence.

Outrage Again. There have been other American atrocities in Viet Nam. Ten Marines were prosecuted in 1967 after a nighttime rampage in Xuan Ngoc in which two women were raped and a family of five killed. Daniel Lang's Casualties of War describes the kidnap-rape-murder of a young girl by four G.I.s in 1966. Yet such incidents are only a small part of the mosaic of brutality for which both sides are responsible. Terror is a principal Viet Cong tactic. So far this year, by actual count, the Communists have killed 5,754 civilians, wounded 14,520 others and kidnaped 5,887. The allies have taken to such tactics too, though on a more limited scale. Under the so-called Phoenix program, the U.S. and South Viet Nam last year began a struggle to break the Viet Cong infrastructure of tax collectors and other officials. In its first year, according to the Pentagon, Phoenix "neutralized" more than 14,000 Communist civilians—meaning captured them, converted them to the allied side—or killed them as they tried to escape capture.

Some antiwar partisans in the U.S. seized on the event to support their theme. Senator George McGovern suggested that the massacre was the result of "the futility and uselessness of this war." But Americans and others have committed brutal acts in other wars as well, wars with a deeper outline and purpose. Some critics abroad glibly started making comparisons with Nazi atrocities. Such comparisons are obviously spurious, if only because Lidice and Babi Yar were caused by a deliberate national policy of terror, not by the aberrations of soldiers under stress. Still, it will not be easy for Americans to come to terms with Pinkville. It sears the generous and humane image, more often deserved than not, of the U.S. as a people. Whatever else may come to light about Pinkville in the weeks ahead, the tragedy shows that the American soldier carries no immunity against the cruelty and inhumanity of prolonged combat.

Found: The monster of the My Lai massacre (from the Daily mail, UK)

Found: The monster of the My Lai massacre
Copyright: The Daily mail, UK
Last updated at 23:07 06 October 2007



The sun had just risen over a tranquil Vietnamese hamlet, nestling in a steamy green valley of rice fields close to the South China Sea.

Hundreds of villagers were about to enjoy a simple breakfast outside their bamboo huts when a flotilla of U.S. helicopters came whirring low overhead, the draught from their giant propellers flattening the tall, yellow grass.

Old men and women, young mothers tending their children, most didn't bother to run away - they thought they had nothing to fear as the Americans routinely swept the countryside hunting the communist Viet Cong guerillas, 'the VC' in U.S. military parlance.

How could a huddle of defenceless farming people pose any threat? Moments after the soldiers had landed, however, it became clear that the villagers had made a terrible miscalculation.




Mai Lai: Between 100 and 500 people were slaughtered

With bayonet fixed, the young platoon leader instructed his men to round up everyone, regardless of their age or sex, and herd them into a partially filled, 5ft-deep irrigation ditch. "Take care of these people!" he barked.

Those five words lit the fuse for a massacre. If there was any ambiguity in their meaning, the platoon leader removed it by bludgeoning an old man into the ditch with his rifle-butt, then machine-gunning him and at least 21 others as they cowered beside him.

Over the next five hours babies were bayonetted, teenage girls were raped or forced to their knees to perform sex acts before being mutilated and killed - and their watching parents and grandparents were summarily shot as they begged for mercy.

When the bloodbath was over, the hamlet was torched.

The number of villagers who were butchered is still a matter for debate. If we believe some of the soldiers, the so-called 'body count' totalled just over a hundred.

According to records in the grim museum which the victorious Vietnamese communists have built at My Lai, however, 504 people were murdered. The youngest was just one year old and the oldest 82, and their names are etched on a broad marble wall.

One thing, however, is certain. March 16, 1968, is the most infamous date in U.S. military history - a day that far overshadows the brutality at Abu Ghraib prison and the killing of 24 civilians by U.S. Marines in Haditha in western Iraq. With lasting shame, it is remembered as the My Lai Massacre.

Of course, many Americans would prefer not to remember My Lai at all. They want to draw a veil over this most shocking episode in the humiliating, decade-long fiasco that was the Vietnam War.

Their collective amnesia was never stronger than it is today, when young servicemen are once again dying on foreign soil, for a similarly ill-defined - and seemingly unwinnable - cause.

But arch-liberal film-maker Oliver Stone is determined that the savagery to which some American soldiers lowered themselves in Vietnam must never be forgotten.

He believes that now, more than ever, the White House hawks need to learn from the past. Having made his name with a trilogy of controversial films about Vietnam (Platoon, Born On The Fourth Of July and Heaven & Earth) Stone is working on a fourth, about My Lai.



William Calley: Uniformed during the Vietnam war

"Why now? Because of Iraq. That's a major reason," the controversial director said, during a preliminary research trip to Vietnam. "It seems to me there are so many similarities between the wars in the Gulf and South-East Asia.

"Sometimes you can tell more about a war now by paralleling a previous war. I'm not seeking to denigrate the average soldier, but I think the time has come to remember events like My Lai."

Predicted to be the strongest indictment of war yet, Stone's movie will be called Pinkville, the name the GIs gave to the benighted village, and other surrounding settlements, because they were supposedly a communist stronghold.

He has already cast the hero. Bruce Willis will play General William R. Peers, the U.S. Army officer who presided over the official inquiry into the mass slaughter, and whose determination to uncover the truth blighted his career.

But, as yet, there is no word on who will portray the pivotal character in the My Lai story; the man who led the platoon by brutal example and would later be branded America's worst war criminal - Second Lieutenant William Laws Calley.

Whoever lands the part, it will certainly require a bravura performance.

For, as the Daily Mail discovered this week, when we tracked down the elusive Calley - now aged 64, and living in comfortable obscurity in Atlanta, Georgia - this comical-looking figure, standing just 5ft 3in tall and sporting a white Colonel Sanders goatee, jam-jar spectacles and a Stetson, makes a most unlikely mass murderer.

William Calley has been called the Everyman of the Vietnam War. A college drop-out from a white-collar Miami family, he drifted between jobs on the railroad and investigating insurance claims before joining the army as a trainee clerk.

Though he showed not the slightest aptitude for leadership, he was accepted into officer training school, where he is remembered for his passion for pizza, and little else.

It was during the Vietnam War that President Lyndon Johnson first popularised the phrase "hearts and minds". In a now wearily familiar refrain, he said winning them was imperative if the Viet Cong were ever to be defeated.

Rookie officers underwent a course designed to improve their respect and understanding of the distant strangers in whose land they would be fighting, entitled "Vietnam Our Host".

Calley would later claim to remember little about these lessons in winning over the locals. What he did seem to learn, however, was that everyone - old and young, male and female - was a potential enemy, capable of tripping a mine fuse, hurling a grenade or signalling to a VC sniper. As such, even civilians were not to be trusted.

It was with this dubious preparation that 2nd Lt Calley was airlifted into South Vietnam. By early 1968, soon after his arrival, the country was in the grip of the Tet Offensive: a massive push for victory which brought 80,000 North Vietnamese troops driving southwards, striking with unprecedented ferocity.

Calley was deployed to the scene of the fiercest fighting, in Quang Ngai Province, and placed in charge of a platoon of some 50 infantrymen in Charlie Company, part of the proud 23rd Infantry (Americal) Division.

While most of his charges despised the country and its people, Calley found he loved his new life in Vietnam.





William Calley: Unrepentant

Rarely able to get a date with women in Miami, where he was regarded as a nonentity and a drifter, he found he had the pick of the prettiest 'boom-boom girls' - cheap local prostitutes who touted for business around the U.S. camps.

He also relished having the power to dish out orders without rebuke - even though they were frequently ill-advised.

More than once his crass misjudgments endangered his men, and when a subordinate was shot dead because Calley marched them into danger, they secretly discussed "fragging" - or assassinating - the bungling officer universally known as Lieutenant S***head.

Meanwhile, the officers above Calley were demanding results. Charged with the mission of wiping out as many "Commies" as possible, his bosses set up "free fire zones", where anyone could be shot on the merest suspicion of collusion, and demanded daily "kill ratios".

The problem was that, for weeks on end, Charlie Company never encountered a single enemy soldier, for the VC hid in underground bunkers connected by a labyrinth of tunnels.

The Americans only knew that they were silently surrounded by VC when one of their number was picked off by a sniper - a fate that befell Calley's radio operator and best friend, Bill Weber, who died after his kidney was shattered by a bullet in February 1968.

On the eve of the massacre, another comrade had been blown up by a VC booby-trap, and so it was amid a mood of pent-up frustration and vengeance that Charlie Company was briefed by Captain Ernest Medina about the following morning's planned sweep through 'Pinkville'.

Medina's orders are heatedly disputed to this day. A highly respected commander, he has always denied telling the men to kill indiscriminately, advising them that they should use discretion and only fire at anyone who threatened their safety - but Calley insists otherwise.

The instructions were clear, he says. They were to exterminate every last man, woman and child. Today, his platoon remains divided: some agree with Medina's version, others with Calley's.

One crucial element of Medina's orders is not in doubt, however. He warned the U.S. soldiers that My Lai was among a huddle of villages harbouring one of the VC's strongest battalions, and that they were about to face their fiercest battle.

At dawn the following morning, it quickly became evident that this was yet another piece of false information. In fact, just one Vietnamese man of combat age was found in the village. That wasn't about to deter Calley, however. He didn't see people - only targets.

"We weren't in My Lai to kill human beings, really," he said later. "We were there to kill an ideology that is carried by - I don't know - pawns, blobs, pieces of flesh. I was there to destroy an intangible idea. To destroy communism. Killing those men in My Lai didn't haunt me."

His actions would have been inexcusable even if he really had only killed 'men' but among the 22 people - at a very conservative estimate - whom he personally shot was a child of about two, who was trying to run away.

According to a fellow soldier, Calley caught the infant by the arms, swung him into the ditch, and despatched him with a single bullet.

Calley also bears responsibility for ordering his men to follow his lead. Warned of the dire consequences of disobeying, Private Paul Meadlo fired into the ditch for several minutes before breaking down in tears.

Another GI was so sickened that he shot himself in the foot to avoid taking part; the only American casualty that day.

Bizarrely, however, at one point 24-year-old Calley was seized by the need to maintain propriety. When he saw a GI force a woman to her knees by the hair and threaten to blow up her child with a grenade unless she performed a sex act, he became enraged. "Pull up your pants, soldier!" he snarled, brandishing his M16 menacingly.

Just 20 people survived the massacre, ten of whom are alive today. Most owe their lives to U.S. helicopter captain Hugh Thompson. Patrolling over My Lai, he saw what was happening, and airlifted as many villagers as he could to safety.

Thompson, who died last year, confronted Calley and urged him to stop the killing, but the Second Lieutenant refused to defer to his superior, saying: "Down here on the ground, I run the show."

For many months afterwards, the massacre was covered up. Utterly unrepentant, Calley went away on leave and then signed on for an extra stint in Vietnam.

Back in America, however, the story slowly began to leak out. Returning to civilian life in a country awash with anti-war fever, disaffected members of Charlie Company began to tell their story to investigative journalist Seymour Hersh, among others.

Aware of the damage that news of an American atrocity would cause, Richard Nixon, who had succeeded Johnson as president, tried desperately to downplay it.

But when army photographer Ron Haeberle sold the shockingly candid colour photographs he had smuggled away from My Lai to Life magazine for $50,000, the truth could no longer be hidden.

Of all the soldiers who faced the My Lai court martial, William Calley was the only man to be convicted. Damned by the evidence of men he led, in 1971 he was found guilty of 22 murders and sentenced to life with hard labour; but then events took a twist which today seems almost as incomprehensible as the massacre itself.

Instead of dismissing Calley as a cold-blooded killer, the majority of ordinary Americans accepted his claim - that he was simply a patriotic soldier, faithfully acting out his duty - and viewed him as a heroic martyr.

Even in the peace movement some were willing to believe he was merely a lowly scapegoat for the real architects of the war: a theory Oliver Stone will doubtless explore.

Nixon sensed which way the wind was blowing and within a few days, Calley was quietly transferred from the tough military prison at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, to house arrest in a comfortable apartment at Fort Benning, Georgia, where was able to drink alcohol and entertain his girlfriend.

He served three years there before being paroled in 1974 with a tacit presidential pardon.

Free to resume his life at 31, Calley ditched the girl who had loyally stood by him during his years in custody, and married Penny Vick, the daughter of a wealthy jeweller in Columbus, Georgia.

Their wedding was the society event of the year. They were serenaded by the local sheriff, a baritone, and guests included the Mayor of Columbus and the judge who granted his liberty.

The newlyweds moved into a smart, detached bungalow, and Calley qualified as a master gemmologist. When his father-in-law retired, he took over the reins of the lucrative family business - a position beyond his dreams before he served in Vietnam.

By all accounts, Calley was accepted without question as a pillar of the community. Always smartly attired, he managed the jewellers until two years ago, when - after a series of heated rows about the way the store should be run - he left his wife.

He now lives 90 miles away in Atlanta, where the Daily Mail found him sharing a smart midtown apartment with their 27-year-old son, a brilliant PhD computer student also called William Laws Calley.

His path has not always run smoothly, however. For a time he ran a nice little sideline as a speaker on the college lecture circuit - sickeningly charging a fee to give sanitised talks about My Lai. But he was forced to give up when he was heckled by the students.

According to one neighbour - a former policewoman who remarked that Calley "doesn't look big enough to snap a twig in half" - during his middle years he also developed a drink problem.

Perhaps he turned to the bottle to blot out his memories, though his close friend Al Fleming, an award-winning local TV newsman, says he is now at ease with himself.

"William did have nightmares for a while, but not now," Fleming told the Mail. "I'm sure he didn't like doing what he did, but he shows no sense of remorse at all. He's not like a lot of Vietnam veterans; suicidal and sick. He's just an ordinary guy."

An ordinary guy? Visiting My Lai last week, we spoke to people who remember the day William Calley came to their village, and regard him rather differently. A dignified woman of 82, wearing a traditional black trouser suit, Mrs Hai Thi Quy's wrinkled face contorted with pain as she recalled how her family were forced into the ditch, where her mother and two children, aged six and 16, were murdered beside her.

"They just started shooting people and pushing them into the canal," she said. "People were screaming, but the American soldiers said nothing, and their faces were so hard. They even shot a pregnant woman.

"They just killed and killed. The bullets came down like rain. One man grabbed my mother's hair and pushed her face down into the water and shot her."

Mrs Quy was shot in the back, but recovered in a U.S. military clinic after being rescued by the helicopter hero, Hugh Thompson.

Understandably, she still feels angry - yet, like all the survivors we interviewed, she showed an uplifting spirit of forgiveness. The director of the My Lai Museum, Mr Pham Thanh Cong - who lost his mother and three siblings but escaped with bullet wounds - even extended an olive branch to Calley.

"If the government will allow it, I invite him here, not to scold him or reprimand him, but to try and understand why he ordered the killing," Mr Cong said. "If he comes here, he and I could become friends. We could confide and talk to each other. We really want him to come back and see the truth."

From a man who has suffered so much, it was a remarkable gesture. Sadly, however, William Calley - who has never demonstrated the slightest desire to make his peace with the Vietnamese people - was not even willing to discuss it this week. Unless, of course, he received a fat fee.

"Meet me in the lobby of the nearest bank at opening time tomorrow, and give me a certified cheque for $25,000, then I'll talk to you for precisely one hour," he drawled nauseatingly.

When we showed up at the appointed hour, armed not with a cheque but a list of pertinent questions, Calley scuttled away from the line of fire. It was an option the man who led the My Lai Massacre never afforded to his innocent victims.

Monday, August 4, 2008

Unsafe as Houses

Unsafe as Houses
Shoring up the US mortgage giants is costly but necessary
From The Times
July 15, 2008

“Opening doors” was once the slogan of the US Federal National Mortgage Association, colloquially known as Fannie Mae. American taxpayers now face the displeasing irony of playing an involuntary role in keeping the doors open at Fannie Mae and its sibling, Freddie Mac (the Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation).

This week the US Treasury Secretary, Henry Paulson, announced measures to maintain confidence in these two institutions. The proposals are necessary, but a palliative only. They must not postpone urgent consideration of how the idiosyncrasies of the US housing market have increased systemic risk in the world economy.

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac serve as the foundations of the US housing market. They are publicly quoted companies that fund and guarantee mortgages. They do not lend directly to home owners; rather, they serve as intermediaries between mortgage lenders and investors. By buying mortgages from lenders and selling them to investors they provide funds to the housing market at a lower cost than would be the case with commercial banks.

These agencies are, in effect, state-sponsored wholesale mortgage lenders. Therein lie the problems. One is that they have been exposed to the slide in US house prices. Fannie and Freddie guarantee or own almost half of the entire $12 trillion US mortgage market. American houses have slumped in value, leaving the agencies sitting on billions of dollars in potential losses. Investors began to worry last week that the businesses were not solvent. The share prices halved.
This triggered the second problem: ownership. Are Fannie and Freddie owned, guaranteed or just loosely backed by the Government? The answer dictates not only the long-term security of the businesses but also their ability to borrow cheaply, and therefore their raison d’ĂȘtre.

Mr Paulson has half-answered that question. He has increased their available lines of credit, and undertaken that the Treasury will buy equity in either company if necessary. These so-called Government-Sponsored Enterprises are integral to the US housing market. If they failed, the consequences for the economy would be grave. But there are serious costs in shoring up Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Washington has stood up for Fannie and Freddie; it is not clear that Washington is willing to stand behind them by taking on their liabilities in the event of failure.

In addition, the Treasury’s implicit guarantee is an incentive to act irresponsibly, because it is the taxpayer who in the last resort will pick up the bill. The activities of the GSEs are a nice instance of taking risks in the interests of shareholders, while the costs fall on the public.

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have contributed much to the parlous state of the US housing market and hence the world economy. They originated the practice whereby mortgage loans are packaged into marketable securities and distributed to end-investors. An instrument intended to reduce risk has ended up merely spreading it. Banks and investors made a fortune by creating new financial instruments that packaged and repackaged Fannie and Freddie’s debt. The public is paying to clean up after the party. Policymakers must attend to the longer-term viability of a system that can produce such a perverse mismatch of rewards and costs.

Friday, August 1, 2008

How quickly McCain forgets

How quickly McCain forgets

The Interstate 35W bridge in Minneapolis collapsed Aug. 1, 2007. One year ago today, when the Interstate 35W bridge in Minneapolis collapsed during the evening rush-hour commute and killed 13 people, the disaster sparked a furious national debate about the crumbling state of our infrastructure. So quickly are such catastrophes forgotten that a major-party presidential candidate can now propose eliminating the tax that pays for bridge repair, and few bat an eyelash.

About a quarter of the public road bridges in the United States are considered functionally obsolete or structurally deficient, according to the American Assn. of State Highway and Transportation Officials. Fixing them would cost roughly $140 billion, but even a modest House bill to provide $1 billion for repair of federal bridges faces a veto threat from President Bush.

The money for things like road and bridge repairs comes from the 18.4-cent-a-gallon federal gas tax, which hasn't been raised since 1993 and doesn't adjust for inflation. With high gas prices prompting Americans to drive less, gas-tax revenues are dropping. This situation will get even worse if John McCain has his way. In one of this campaign season's more revolting pander-fests, McCain this spring proposed eliminating the federal gas tax for the summer. That would cost the government up to $9 billion that would otherwise go to preventing another disaster like the I-35W bridge collapse.

Weird, but it seems like we've been here before; weren't people screaming that New Orleans needed more money for levee repair, just before a great American city was flushed away like yesterday's sanitary napkin? How many more people have to die before Washington gets serious about transportation infrastructure?

* Photo by Jim Gehrz / Associated Press

Posted by Dan Turner on August 1, 2008 in Attaboys & Raspberries , Congress , Disaster , John McCain , Mobility , Oil , Stupidity | Permalink

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